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Narrated by Harold L. Fritsche

"For even the novice historical student, a study of Jefferson could not be conjoined with the likes of Hamilton. And to attempt to link Jefferson’s philosophies with either Lincoln’s or Hamilton’s is akin to mixing ice cream and mud. It doesn’t hurt the mud but it plays hell with the ice cream."--Paul H. Yarbrough

Lincoln; The Great Violator

"Anyone who has read The Real Lincoln (or scanned the ,"King Lincoln Archive" at would not be surprised at all to hear that Lincoln was hated and reviled by most of the "great men" (and the Northern masses) of his time. As Tagg hesitantly admits in his Introduction, Lincoln was widely criticized in the North as a "bloody tyrant" and a "dictator" for his "arbitrary arrests, the suspension of habeas corpus, and the suppression of newspapers . . ." More specifically, imprisoning tens of thousands of Northern civilians without due process for verbally opposing his policies; shutting down over 300 opposition newspapers; deporting an opposing member of Congress; confiscating firearms and other forms of private property; intimidating and threatening to imprison federal judges; invoking military conscription, income taxation, an internal revenue bureaucracy, and huge public debt; and ordering the murder of hundreds of draft protesters in the streets of New York City in July of 1863 are all good reasons why Lincoln was so widely despised."--Thomas DiLorenzo, How the Lincoln Myth Was Hatched

Peacefully Professionally Legally Lawfully

The Seven Southern States seceded lawfully and peacefully; and why wouldn't they? Why would the South have any desire to war with the North? The seceded states population numbered 5 million while the United States population numbered 26 million. The North had far more resources than the South. Why would the South want a War with the North? The obvious answer is, The South didn't want a war with the North.

All that the South wanted was to be left alone. The South had recreated the government they initially agreed to, with a practically identical Constitution. They were on their way to great success. They would be trading freely with Europe and others all around the world. Imagine the Confederate States of America trading their goods without any interference from Washington DC. It would have been a sight to behold. The Southern tax dollars would stay in the South and be used in the South. No more Southern dollars being spent on Northern infrastructure. Unfortunately, for all of us, we can only imagine how successful the South would have been.

The South obviously didn't want a war with the North. So the question has to be, why did Washington DC create the war?

Would it be too much for us to believe it had to do with money, power and control? We know that's why all wars are fought, so why would believing that be difficult? Is it a stretch to believe the War was very purposefully started for money, power and control? Based on history it's the best bet.

So why is it so difficult to accept? It's very difficult to accept because U.S. Citizens starting at 5 years of age go through 13 years of mandatory indoctrination and brainwashing. You spend the first 25 years of your life learning the romantic story about Northern men grabbing their rifles and giving their lives to free slaves, and that's hard to shake off, especially if the story is showing you in the most favorable light.

If South Carolina seceded December 20, 1860, why were there United States Army inside a Fort in South Carolina on April 12, 1861?

Honest Abe

In his first Inaugural address (March 4, 1861), Abraham Lincoln said: "Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you."

Lincoln said all of that and plenty more all the while coordinating a plan to start a war. This isn't the only magnificent lie Lincoln spewed; we see this same level of lying on April 1, 1861 when Lincoln (through secretary of state William Seward) assures the intermediary to the Confederate Peace Commission, Judge Campbell, that though Lincoln wants to supply Fort Sumter he will not do so.

Planning to supply or reinforce Fort Sumter, located in Charleston Habor, South Carolina, would be an act of war. As you will see below, Lincoln is going to make an attempt to supply Fort Sumter after making it very clear that he is not going to resupply Fort Sumter.

  • November 6, 1860, Lincoln is elected

  • December 20, 1860, South Carolina secedes
  • January 9, 1861, Mississippi secedes
  • January 10, 1861, Florida Secedes
  • January 10, 1861, Alabama Secedes
  • January 25, 1861, Louisiana Secedes
  • January 29, 1861, Georgia Secedes
  • February 2, 1861, Texas Secedes

  • March 2nd, House of Representatives adjourns until July 4th

  • March 4th, Lincoln's first inaugural address

  • March 28th, the senate adjourns until July 4th

  • March 29th, Lincoln sends orders to Secretary of Navy to prepare 3 ships of war, the Pocahontas, Pawnee, and Harriet Lane, for an expedition to resupply Fort Sumter as early as April 6th.

  • March 30th, Lincoln sends G.V. Fox to New York to prepare for expedition to supply Fort Sumter.

  • March 30th, Judge Campbell (the intermediary between Lincoln and the Confederate Peace commission) tells Secretary of State Seward that South Carolina Governor Pickens is enquiring about rumors he has heard about Fort Sumter. Secretary of State Seward assures Judge Campbell he will have a satisfactory answer for him on April 1st.

  • "Senator Douglas, though opposed to secession, had argued in the United States Senate that South Carolina was entitled to the possession of Fort Sumter; General Scott had advised its evacuation; and Secretary Seward had practically promised that it should be given up. The South, therefore, thought that a peaceable solution was in sight. But President Lincoln, after a period of indecision, decided to provision the fort, and on 8 April 1861 so informed the Governor of South Carolina. The South had not desired hostilities;" From the 1907 AMERICANA; A Universal Reference Library - volume 15, pg 977 link to source

    note: Lincoln's plan all along was to send ships. There was no, "period of indecision".


    The Southern Confederacy--Its Recognition or Nonrecognition

    Detroit Free Press, February 19, 1861

    Why should not the government of the United States recognize the government formed by the States that have seceded? It is, beyond dispute, a government de facto, and it has always been a feature of our foreign policy to recognize governments de facto. No matter how they may have been formed,—whether by the people displacing a despot, or by a despot overcoming a people; no matter whether established in peace or in war,—we have always been ready to acknowledge their legality, and to institute amicable relations with them. Why should this practice be departed from in the case of the Southern Confederacy? The States composing this Confederacy, it is true, were recently a portion of our own territory; but they now occupy a position of complete independence. Three or four fortresses, garrisoned by mere handsful of men, constitute the sole foothold of our government within their limits. The people of these States, driven to desperation by the incessant warfare of abolitionism upon their most cherished rights, have withdrawn themselves from among us, and resolved henceforth to lead a separate national existence. It would be highly desirable to secure their voluntary return to their old allegiance; but, so long as anti-slaveryism rules the North, such a consummation is impossible. There are but two alternatives left: we must conquer them, or we must recognize their independence.

    It is possible—though highly improbable—that we might be able to subjugate the seceded States. We might regain possession of their fortifications, occupy their towns and cities with military forces, and hold their territory by the power of arms. But this could only be accomplished—if accomplished at all—by the expenditure of a vast amount of life and treasure—by the destruction of an immense amount of property—by the annihilation to a great extent of trade and commerce. During the progress of our attempt at conquest, bloodshed, rapine, and conflagration would hold a Saturnalia; brother would strike the sword at the heart of brother, and father would speed the bullet to the brain of son. A scene of horror would be presented which we shrink from contemplating. And, supposing our attempt at conquest to be successful, what then? We should, certainly, have prevented a diminution of the extent of our public domain; but would such a result compensate us for the evils that had been done? And the people of the conquered territory, would they entertain for their conquerors that feeling which all citizens should entertain for their government, and without which feeling any government should at once cease to have existence? Would they not be exasperated to the highest degree, and, if that exasperation were not permitted to be openly manifested, would they not hug it to their souls in secret, and, upon every opportunity, give vent to it by the means of bloody insurrections? Would it be possible, for any great length of time, to keep a people so feeling in subjection? And, besides, what benefit to us would be a people so held? Would they add to our strength governmentally, or to our position morally, or to our ability pecuniarily? Would they not, most decidedly, be to us, in every way, a terrible detriment?

    There is but one reply to these interrogatories, and that reply demonstrates most conclusively that an attempt to subjugate the seceded States, even if successful, could produce nothing but evil,—evil unmitigated in character and appalling in extent.

    Now for the other alternative. By recognizing the independence of the Southern Confederacy, we should, to a considerable degree, disarm its people of the hostility they naturally feel towards the people of the North, and, in this improved state of feeling, the details of a peaceable separation could easily be arranged. The public property could be distributed, and the public debt apportioned, in an equitable and satisfactory manner; commerce between the two sections could be rendered entirely free of restrictions; in every respect, with the single exception of government, we could be as one people; and, in case of assaults by foreign Powers upon the rights of either, defence should and would be made the common cause of both. Enterprise would develop the resources so lavishly bestowed by nature, industry would reap the rewards of its labors, and tranquillity would pervade the land. And, in the course of time,—when the fanaticism which now sways the North shall have disappeared, and the names of its apostles be held in universal execration,—the South and the North might again unite their political destinies, and, re-united, march forward, hand in hand, in that glorious career which the Almighty, it would seem, has marked out for our race.

    Shall we not recognize the government of the seceded States? The administration soon to be inaugurated at Washington will have this interrogatory to answer at the very outset of its existence, and upon its answer will depend the weal or woe of thirty millions of people. A reply in the negative will be pregnant with disaster; and a reply in the affirmative we scarcely dare to anticipate. But let us hope for the best; and, if the worst shall come, let the world be made aware that the responsibility therefor should rest entirely upon the shoulders of the republican party. What the verdict of posterity will be upon the calamities resulting from the carrying out of the atrocious doctrines of that party, it requires no prophet to predict. Far be it from the democracy to have the slightest participation in the disgrace of that verdict.


    note: Lincoln inaugurated on March 4th

    Rumored Armistices

    Detroit Free Press, April 29, 1861

    It is impossible to determine whether the telegraphic rumors of proposed armistices by the government with Virginia and Maryland be true. It is certain that they ought not to be true. An armistice at this time means that the southern people, who appear to pay little regard to their constituted rulers, shall get ready for a fight, and that the Federal government shall lose the advantage of the present burst of patriotic and military feeling. We opposed the commencement of hostilities, but we now know no policy, and will listen to no policy, which shall protract the war. We are in favor of the utmost vigor. In war we know only one rule,—that is, to arm and act efficiently. If Virginia and Maryland are to have armistices, let it be with an army of a hundred thousand men upon their soil. Let us lose no advantages. Let us not fail to create all advantages possible. If we are not to have war, if the policy of the administration is to delay hostilities and to finally acknowledge the Southern Confederacy, the people should know it now. The States who are eager to contribute their money to strengthen the arm of the government—the men who are abandoning business, home, families, to offer their lives for the country—should know it. This is no time to talk of armistices and delay, unless the administration intend to back down. If they entertain such a design, we want to know it, and the people want to know it. We have the war. Fort Sumter is taken. The blood of loyal troops stains the streets of Baltimore. A Baltimore mob defies the government and cuts off the most direct communication with the capital. This does not seem to us the time for treating, or for delay. It is the time for vigor. So far the government has been driven to the wall. Action, vigorous, self-assertive action, is the only mode left to recover its prestige, and to inspire confidence at home and abroad in its power. If Maryland is true to the Union she will aid the government to open the Baltimore route; but Virginia has seceded—she is in a state of rebellion. An armistice with her may keep her men back from Washington sixty days, but leaves the pseudo Confederate States ample leisure to perfect all arrangements for attack. In sixty days Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, and perhaps other States, will be under the Confederate States constitution—increasing their power of mischief, consolidating secession sentiment, and giving them an importance with foreign nations which will do vast injury to the Washington government. If this is the critical period of the nation’s history, (and who doubts that it is?) it certainly is the very period for the national spirit to rise highest, the national arm to be strongest, and the popular effort to hold aloft the constitution and the laws the most decided. In this we express the sentiment of the people. Let the administration beware lest they disappoint the nation.

    The present condition of the North must not be misunderstood. It is a vast upheaval of courage, patriotism, and devotion to the best interests of the nation. It is not a sentiment of attachment to the administration. Not for a moment. It is wider and nobler than that—more practical than that. It embraces all the glorious promise of the American future. It believes in the destiny which will crowd coming centuries with the fame, happiness and wealth of this free people. One administration, one President, one four years’ term, is a speck—an insignificant point—in the far-reaching vision of the popular patriotism. Nothing is to be done for rulers—everything for the constitution. Mr. LINCOLN is not leading this sentiment. No man can lead it. It is a strong and deep current sweeping irresistibly to the future, bearing with it all who will be borne, but overwhelming all who oppose its progress. We wish no mistake to be made. Northern unity is not for the man, but for the nation. Not for Mr. LINCOLN, but the constitution. We will submit to no delays—no procrastinating policies—no armistices, while mobs defy the government and rebels drive her officers from their State. The voice of peace should have prevailed before the sounds of war commenced. When peace was honorable we were for peace; but we never will, even by silence, consent to the dishonor of timid policies—to truces and armistices which are extorted by fear of mobs. All men will bear witness that we held the “blood-letters” of the times of peace up to the execration of the world. And now that these “blood-letters” are, in time of war, sinking into the gentle harmlessness of lambs—now that they are not seen in martial array presenting their breasts to the men whose blood they thirsted for—we deem them equally execrable. The honor of the nation required that this war should never have commenced; but the same honor now demands vigor—victory—the real supremacy of the constitution and the laws.

    Arm first and treat afterwards, is now our motto. Nations unarmed and unprepared never secure honorable and lasting peace. We know that no glory is to be attained in this war. We are proud that it is not glory which unites the North—that it is a sober adherence to the best social, material and religious interests of the nation which makes us a unit; but this calm, determined, common-sense spirit will not submit to trifling inaction, or to weak attempts at peace, at a moment when honorable peace is impossible. If this government has power, this is the time to display and use it.

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    "IN THIS AGE OF POLITICAL CORRECTNESS there has never been a greater need and greater opportunity to refresh our understanding of what happened in America in the years 1861–1865 and start defending our Southern forebears as strongly as they ought to be defended. There is plenty of true history available to us. It is our job to make it known."--Clyde N. Wilson; from his free online book, "Lies My Teacher Told Me".
    "But we've had a society essentially under central control in the United States since just after the Civil War, and such a society requires compulsory schooling--government monopoly schooling--to maintain itself. Before this development schooling wasn't very important anywhere."--John Taylor Gatto, from his book "Dumbing Us Down".
    "The victors of war write its history in order to cast themselves in the most favorable light. That explains the considerable historical ignorance about our war of 1861 and panic over the Confederate flag."--Walter E. Williams
    "A tax-supported, compulsory education system is the complete model of the totalitarian state."--Isabel Paterson
    “There can be no greater stretch of arbitrary power than to seize children from their parents, teach them whatever the authorities decree they shall be taught, and expropriate from the parents the funds to pay for the procedure.”― Isabel Paterson
    PROB'ITY, noun [Latin probitas, from probo, to prove.] Primarily, tried virtue or integrity ...

    “In my study of communist societies, I came to the conclusion that the purpose of communist propaganda was not to persuade or convince, not to inform, but to humiliate; and therefore, the less it corresponded to reality the better. When people are forced to remain silent when they are being told the most obvious lies, or even worse when they are forced to repeat the lies themselves, they lose once and for all their sense of probity. To assent to obvious lies some small way to become evil oneself. One's standing to resist anything is thus eroded, and even destroyed. A society of emasculated liars is easy to control. I think if you examine political correctness, it has the same effect and is intended to.”― Theodore Dalrymple
    "If a nation expects to be ignorant & free, in a state of civilisation, it expects what never was & never will be. The functionaries of every government have propensities to command at will the liberty & property of their constituents. There is no safe deposit for these but with the people themselves; nor can they be safe with them without information. Where the press is free and every man able to read, all is safe."--Extract from Thomas Jefferson to Charles Yancey
    "Do you think nobody would willingly entrust his children to you or pay you for teaching them? Why do you have to extort your fees and collect your pupils by compulsion?"--Isabel Paterson
    “It is better to tolerate the rare instance of a parent refusing to let his child be educated, than to shock the common feelings and ideas by the forcible asportation and education of the infant against the will of the father.”--Thomas Jefferson
    “The Gettysburg speech was at once the shortest and the most famous oration in American history...the highest emotion reduced to a few poetical phrases. Lincoln himself never even remotely approached it. It is genuinely stupendous. But let us not forget that it is poetry, not logic; beauty, not sense. Think of the argument in it. Put it into the cold words of everyday. The doctrine is simply this: that the Union soldiers who died at Gettysburg sacrificed their lives to the cause of self-determination -- that government of the people, by the people, for the people, should not perish from the earth. It is difficult to imagine anything more untrue. The Union soldiers in the battle actually fought against self-determination; it was the Confederates who fought for the right of their people to govern themselves.”-- H.L. Mencken

    "With scarcely one soldier in twenty in the Southern Armies owning even one slave and with thousands of Northern soldiers being slave owners, is it reasonable to assert that each went to war to fight against his own interests ? Is it not a repulsive thought that any mind could be so constituted as to believe that Robert E. Lee, Albert Sidney Johnson and Stonewall Jackson fought their immortal fight to hold some negroes in slavery! Nothing could be more unfair or untruthful than to represent the North as going into the War Between the States as upon some holy crusade to free the slaves from their Southern owners, to whom, it may be remarked in passing, in very large measure they had been sold by this same North and the money not refunded!"--The Gray Book: By Sons of Confederate Veterans (1920)

    "Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress assembled."--Articles of Confederation, Article 2
    "The North was mad and blind; it would not let us govern ourselves, and so the war came, and now it must go on till the last man of this generation falls in his tracks, and his children seize the musket and fight our battle, unless you acknowledge our right to self government. We are not fighting for slavery. We are fighting for Independence, and that or extermination."--President Jefferson Davis, C.S.A.
    "One of the hardest things to do is to teach someone to think after they've been specifically taught not to for the first two decades of their lives."--Mission Anarchy
    “Lincoln is theology, not historiology. He is a faith, he is a church, he is a religion, and he has his own priests and acolytes, most of whom . . . are passionately opposed to anybody telling the truth about him . . . with rare exceptions, you can’t believe what any major Lincoln scholar tells you about Abraham Lincoln and race.”–Lerone Bennett, Jr., Forced into Glory, p. 114
    "Lincoln is reported to have said that you can fool some of the people all of the time and all of the people some of the time but you can't fool all of the people all of the time. Don't bet on it. For the Lincoln party has fooled almost all of the people all of the time for the last 136 years. And we shall not overcome until we begin the long and painful process of unfooling the people.

    For 136 years, we have been teaching, preaching, reporting, singing, dancing and exhibiting half-truths, quarter-truths and lies, with incalculable consequences to the intellectual, spiritual and moral fiber of the country and the academy. For something sinister happens to a nation which asks its best minds to lie or not to tell the truth. This is a matter of highest priority not only to historians but also teachers, museum curators, media, schools, students, everybody.

    For, as I said in my book, Lincoln is a key, perhaps the key, to the American personality, and what we invest in him, and what we hide in him, is who we are. For if Lincoln is not who 16,000 books, monographs, and TV programs say he was, then we're not who we think we are, and American scholarship is not what we say it is."--Lerone Bennett Jr. Forced into Glory: Abraham Lincoln's White Dream, pg 627-628
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    Welcome to "The South Was Right". Though a fan of the book by the same name, this is not the official site of the book "The South Was Right" by James Ronald Kennedy & Walter Donald Kennedy; nor is this website affiliated with the authors in any way.

    Lincoln's War happened 160 years ago, what difference does it make?

    "Reader ! whoever thou art, remember this ; and in thy sphere, practice virtue thyself, and encourage it in others. P. Henry."

    • Shines light on the system we're currently under
    • Pulls the curtain open on Academia
    • Puts the deep state on open display
    • Greatly discredits Government
    • Exposes the media
    • Debunks the Lincoln myth
    • Shows the reality of mass delusion
    • Encourages people to question
    • Manifests the TRUTH
    Why is it important to pull the curtain open on one of the most egregious lies ever told? Because it is the right thing to do.

    The Whistleblower

    Smedley Darlington Butler

    “I spent 33 years and four months in active military service and during that period I spent most of my time as a high class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism. I helped make Mexico and especially Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street. I helped purify Nicaragua for the International Banking House of Brown Brothers in 1902-1912. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for the American sugar interests in 1916. I helped make Honduras right for the American fruit companies in 1903. In China in 1927 I helped see to it that Standard Oil went on its way unmolested. Looking back on it, I might have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents.” Smedley Darlington Butler., Major General United States Marine Corps, two time medal of honor recipient, Marine Corps Brevet Medal recipient. Author "WAR IS A RACKET"

    The Lincolnian

    Secretary of Defense Hagel, 31 June 2014

    "We will continue to commit resources and we reassure our partners all over the world, including NATO, that we aren't going anywhere, we're not retreating from any part of the world. We have responsibilities in every part of the world. We have interest in every part of the world. We are the world's leader. Now we do that because it's clearly in our interest. No other nation on the earth has the capability to do that." Secretary of Defense Hagel, 1 June 2014, Bagram Airfield, Afghanistan

    “Our government has kept us in a perpetual state of fear -- kept us in a continuous stampede of patriotic fervor -- with the cry of grave national emergency... Always there has been some terrible evil to gobble us up if we did not blindly rally behind it by furnishing the exorbitant sums demanded. Yet, in retrospect, these disasters seem never to have happened, seem never to have been quite real.” ― General Douglas MacArthur 1957
    "It is part of the general pattern of misguided policy that our country is now geared to an arms economy which was bred in an artificially induced psychosis of war hysteria and nurtured upon an incessant propaganda of fear. While such an economy may produce a sense of seeming prosperity for the moment, it rests on an illusionary foundation of complete unreliability and renders among our political leaders almost a greater fear of peace than is their fear of war."--General Douglas MacArthur - Speech to the Michigan legislature, in Lansing, Michigan 15 May 1952

    What are we going to do?

    What happens when we find out that Santa Claus, the Easter Bunny, the tooth fairy and Abraham Lincoln aren't real?

    After speaking so highly of Lincoln, after investing so much in Lincoln praise and adoration, how are we going to back out of it? We believed and told the tall tales, we said he was a mighty champion. What are we going to do with all of those lies we unknowingly told? What do we tell our children after we've taught them about honest Abe? What do we say to our family after spending 150.00 at the Theatrical release of Steven Spielberg's, "LINCOLN"? What about the school; we can't let our children know that their history teacher is teaching them lies. What are we going to do with the facts that paint us gullible, naive, easily fooled? What are we going to do with all the embarrassment?

    What we should do with all that embarrassment is stand up against this world and speak the truth to our families. We can be better than the herd. We can be the ones who stop directing our faith in men/government. We can be the ones who aren't ruled by fear. We can be the ones that stand against the system that rules over and suppresses all of us. We can raise our children up to be beacons of truth, warriors taught to not go along to get along. They'll see that we're not going to be lied to any longer and that we aren't going to let them be lied to any longer. Our children will be grateful for the rest of their days. What a wonderful opportunity to teach our children the importance of verifying information and not believing everything they hear. What a wonderful opportunity to teach our children that speaking the truth is a righteous act.

    Or the alternative, we can cower away and pray that our children never find out that we didn't teach them the truth because we were unsure of its effects. We can be the typical men and women who went along to get along. We can teach our children there's no real reason to live and that nothing really matters .

    We can be ALIVE or dead; we can be a champion for liberty or a willingly chained and shackled government-controlled monkey existing for superficial appeasement. It's the animating contest of liberty or the tranquillity of servitude. It's our choice to make.

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